One Economy to Rule Them All

THE rIGHT IS THE lEFT:

Markets for the People (Glenn Hubbard, Summer 2024, National Affairs)

The advent of “Bidenomics” has resurrected decades-old debates about the merits of markets versus industrial policy. When President Joe Biden announced his eponymous strategy in June 2023, he blasted what he described as “40 years of Republican trickle-down economics” and insisted that he would seek instead to build “an economy from the middle out and the bottom up, not the top down.” He would achieve this through “targeted investments” in technologies like semiconductors, batteries, and electric cars — all of which featured heavily in initiatives like the CHIPS and Science Act and the Inflation Reduction Act. Yet despite the president’s professed support for a “middle out” economics, Bidenomics has thus far proven to be less of an intellectual framework than a set of well-intended yet ill-fated industrial-policy interventions implemented from the top down.

Some conservatives have joined Biden in embracing industrial policy. Writing recently in these pages, Republican senator Marco Rubio of Florida asserted that while it is difficult to “get industrial policy right, conservatives can and must take ownership of this space to keep the American economy strong and free.” Former president Donald Trump, for his part, staunchly advocates heavy tariffs to promote domestic manufacturing.

Conservatives who adopt their own version of protectionist tinkering with markets are missing an important opportunity. As mercantilism’s decline did for classical liberalism in the 19th century and Keynesianism’s misadventures did for neoliberalism in the 20th, Bidenomics’ failures offer an opening for the right to champion a new type of economics — one that puts opportunity for the people ahead of the economic rules of the game.

We’re far enough into human history that folks should long ago have given up on the idea they can outwit markets.

NO ONE HAS IT HARDER THAN THEIR FATHER DID:

The great wealth wave (Daniel Waldenström, 8/16/24, Aeon)


Recent decades have seen private wealth multiply around the Western world, making us richer than ever before. A hasty glance at the soaring number of billionaires – some doubling as international celebrities – prompts the question: are we also living in a time of unparalleled wealth inequality? Influential scholars have argued that indeed we are. Their narrative of a new gilded age paints wealth as an instrument of power and inequality. The 19th-century era with low taxes and minimal market regulation allowed for unchecked capital accumulation and then, in the 20th century, the two world wars and progressive taxation policies diminished the fortunes of the wealthy and reduced wealth gaps. Since 1980, the orthodoxy continues, a wave of market-friendly policies reversed this equalising historical trend, boosting capital values and sending wealth inequality back towards historic highs.

The trouble with the powerful new orthodoxy that tries to explain the history of wealth is that it doesn’t fully square with reality. New research studies, and more careful inspection of the previous historical data, paint a picture where the main catalysts for wealth equalisation are neither the devastations of war nor progressive tax regimes. War and progressive taxation have had influence, but they cannot count as the main forces that led to wealth inequality falling dramatically over the past century. The real influences are instead the expansion from below of asset ownership among everyday citizens, constituted by the rise of homeownership and pension savings. This popular ownership movement was made possible by institutional changes, most important democracy, and followed suit by educational reforms and labour laws, and the technological advancements lifting everyone’s income. As a result, workers became more productive and better paid, which allowed them to get mortgages to purchase their own homes; homeownership rates soared in the West from the middle of the century. As standards of living improved, life spans increased so that people started saving for retirement, accumulating another important popular asset.

TAX WHAT YOU DON’T WANT, DON’T SUBSIDIZE WHAT YOU THINK YOU DO:

The Case for a Carbon Tax: My Long-Read Q&A with Kyle & Shuting Pomerleau (James Pethokoukis | Kyle Pomerleau | Shuting Pomerleau, August 06, 2024, AEIdeas)

Why do economists get excited about the notion of a carbon tax? Why is that a policy that always comes up as an efficient policy if you’re concerned about climate change? What is the selling point, the elevator pitch, for a carbon tax, generally?

Shuting: That’s an excellent question, I think generally economists are very supportive of a carbon tax as a quote-unquote “stick approach,” as opposed to a carrot, like the expensive provisions, clean energy credits in the Inflation Reduction Act [IRA].

Right now we’re all carrot. We seem to be doing a lot of carrots.

Shuting: Yes, a lot of it, and I think one major reason that stands out is the efficiency argument, that it’s efficiently incentivizing consumers and businesses to find the most flexible and least-costly ways to decarbonize. You just have to determine the price per ton of emissions and you’re pricing emissions directly. It’s up to the businesses to find the easiest and least costly way to decarbonize, as opposed to the clean energy tax credits, in the Inflation Reduction Act. A lot of work needs to be done on the regulator side. It might need to be done sector by sector, the technology types that are used to requalify for certain tax credits, or to look at the performance standards that would incentivize businesses to improve their decarbonizaion efforts. So it’s much more direct than tax credits, than carrots. Also, it can move really fast economy-wide. Compared to the tax credits, you really have to do it sector by sector and be very prescriptive.

With the passage of the Inflation Reduction Act, a lot of time was spent figuring out which technologies, are they going to favor these technologies, is this tax credit going to be technology-neutral, which lends it to the criticism that, ultimately, you’re having legislators, and staffers, and bureaucrats figuring out which are the “good” technologies, which are the “bad” technologies, where, under this system, it’s “may the most efficient technological fix win.”

Shuting: You hit a really, really important point, Jim. The technology-neutral is a key part of why a lot of economists are so fond of a carbon tax, as opposed to tax credits, because when you’re pricing per ton of emissions directly, regardless of the way—it could be hydrogen, it could carbon capture, it could nuclear, as long as you get there, it makes sense for businesses’ long-term investment plan, you can do it; versus the tax credits, it’s basically regulators cherry picking winners and losers, deciding, “Oh, this technology, we think it’s more promising than the other ones.

NO ONE WILL MISS CHEVRON:

Cutting Red Tape To Spur Economic Growth: U.S. states that have implemented policies such as regulatory budgets that cut red tape tend to grow faster than states that have maintained the status quo (Patrick McLaughlin, Aug 01, 2024, Discourse)

[S}everal U.S. states have reformed their regulatory process in some way over the past few years. The movement was arguably inspired by the Canadian province of British Columbia, which in 2001 recognized a need to cut some of the regulatory red tape that had built up over time. British Columbia’s groundbreaking red tape reduction initiative succeeded in reducing the quantity of regulations on its books by about 40% within three years. Moreover, the red tape reduction caused the province’s economic growth rate to increase by more than one percentage point, thereby converting British Columbia from economic laggard to leader in just a few years.

Now that some U.S. states have taken steps toward cutting accumulated red tape as well, we can start to answer some basic questions about these policy innovations: How well are they working in terms of cutting red tape? And are reform states seeing increased economic growth as a result, like British Columbia experienced? The positive effect of reforming the regulatory process and cutting red tape should not be ignored: Seemingly, any jurisdiction that proactively avoids unnecessary accumulation and cuts red tape might be able to boost its economy as British Columbia did.

BRING BACK W’S PERSONAL ACCOUNTS:

The Biggest Winners in the Stock Market (Ben Carlson, 7/21/24, A Wealth of Common Sense)

The stock market is hard to beat because picking the winning stocks is hard. Index funds own them regardless.

Winners > losers. Index funds also own the losers, of which there are many.

But the winners more than make up for the losers.

That’s the beauty of the stock market.

Compounding over decade-long periods is like magic. There are no stocks for the long run with crazy 20% or 30% annual returns over 8-9 decades.

From 1926-2023 the S&P 500 was up 10.3% per year so it’s not like the best-performing survivors crushed the market by leaps and bounds.

But those above-average returns compounded over 98 years added up to incredible growth over that time.

That compounding has been magic for the stock market.

IT WAS TRANSITORY:

Inflation News Is Still Exaggerated by Dubious Shelter Estimates (Alan Reynolds, 7/11/24, Cato)

Consumer Price Index (CPI) inflation has been zero for two months. Over the past 12 months, prices of food at home are up 1.1 percent, and energy prices are up 1 percent. Yet headlines keep focusing on the 12-month averages of 3 percent for the total CPI and 3.3 percent for “core inflation” (less food and energy). But there is a big problem: Those 3–3.3 percent figures do not reflect a broadly defined measure of inflation since they are largely dominated by shelter costs.

Widely criticized Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) estimates of rent and owners’ equivalent rent (a price nobody pays) account for a third of the total CPI and over 40 percent of the core CPI.

That is why suspiciously extreme estimates of shelter inflation (known to lag reality by 12–18 months) have continually exaggerated reported inflation since July 2022.

IT’S IMPOSSIBLE TO OVERSTATE DEFLATIONARY PRESSURES:

HOW LAB-GROWN DIAMONDS UPENDED THE INDUSTRY AND COULD END UP CHANGING THE WORLD (Matthew Hart, 6/20/24, CrimerReads)

Rarity is the basement attribute that supports the diamond industry. Without that concept, the whole idea of a jewel is under threat. That threat became real when a virus invaded the sparkling domain of diamonds, destroying the very idea of rarity. The virus was lab-grown diamonds.

Pity the poor Malthusians.

WHINGEING IS NOT HARDSHIP:

We’ve never been richer: But we’re still quite cranky about the economy (Matt Phillips, 6/7/24, sherwood News)

The latest quarterly numbers from the Federal Reserve show that the net worth of the U.S. household sector hit a new high of $160.8 trillion in the first quarter, after rising $5.1 trillion during the first three months of the year. Net worth was up 8.8% compared to the first quarter of 2023, handily outpacing 3.5% rise in inflation over that period.

Hard to be the hero of your own story when the living is as easy as it is today. So we pretend times are hard.

COVID FORCED CONTRADICTIONS:

Remote Work Liberated Us from Unaffordable Places (Scott Lincicome, 6/05/24, The Dispatch)


When we discussed remote work’s benefits and durability a few months ago, I omitted one other great feature: its potential to allow Americans to live where they want to live instead of simply where their jobs are located. That’s good on its own, but it also comes with a big policy bonus if workers exercise their newfound freedom in large numbers: Their moves can pressure state and local governments to improve costly tax, housing, education, and other policies, and they can rejuvenate some of the places that our modern economy (supposedly) left behind.