APPLYING DARWINISM:
Eugenics and the Nihilism of Law-and-Order Politics (Terence Keel, September 6, 2026, LA Review of Books)
His conclusion was, however, fatefully turned on its head in 1912 by Arthur H. Estabrook, working out of the Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor, New York. Estabrook “reanalyzed” Dugdale’s data and decided that heredity mattered more than Dugdale realized. With Charles Davenport, one of the nation’s leading eugenicists and the director of the Eugenics Record Office, Estabrook published a study of another “degenerate” family, entitled The Nam Family: A Study in Cacogenics. Unsurprisingly, the two men concluded that there was nothing to be done to correct the genes of a criminal. “The rural communities of ‘degenerates,’” they argued, suffered from “an unusual lack of industry, retardation in school work, and a failure to observe the conventionalities in sex-relationships. There is reason for concluding that the first and second traits are hereditary and are, in a measure, the raison d’être of the foundation of such communities.” They used the term “cacogenics” (derived from an earlier concept developed by British physician and biologist E. E. Fournier d’Albe) for the generational deterioration of a (white) family. The sentiment behind the concept had considerable staying power, even if the term itself fell out of use.
Estabrook and Davenport helped normalize the notion that some families were burdened with an insurmountable defective inheritance. The state, it followed, could do nothing against a “cacogenic” family’s slide into criminal degeneracy and poverty. Combining policing, incarceration, segregation, and sterilization was the best course of action to protect the privileged from the hopeless.
Reducing complex social problems to a hereditary defect—to “bad genes”—had the virtue of sounding scientific while hiding a profound pessimism about American people. Conservative ideologues seized on this “diagnosis” to argue against state and philanthropic investment in the lives of people like the Jukes. Similar arguments about Black people were made during the period of Jim Crow segregation, with advocates of Darwinian evolution arguing against investing in a population destined to become extinct once forced into open competition with whites. In their 2009 book Darwin’s Sacred Cause: Race, Slavery and the Quest for Human Origins, historians Adrian Desmond and James Moore describe how “natural selection was now predicated on the weaker being extinguished. Individuals, races even, had to perish for progress to occur. […] Europeans were the agents of Evolution.” Political pluralism and multiracial democracy effectively stood in the way of evolution. State investment could not possibly make a meaningful difference in the lives of inferior people—a view that has generated a lingering apathy plaguing US policy decisions around medical care, employment, and poverty ever since.
