Republican Liberty

IT JUST CODIFIED THE COMMON LAW:

US Appeals Court Indicates It Might Declare Trump’s Birthright Citizenship Order Unconstitutional (Reuters The Guardian, 8/03/25)


The San Francisco-based ninth US circuit court of appeals last week became the first federal appeals court to hold Trump’s order as unconstitutional. Its ultimate fate will probably be determined by the supreme court.

Eric McArthur, a justice department attorney, said on Friday that the citizenship clause of the US constitution’s 14th amendment, which was ratified in 1868 after the US civil war, rightly extended citizenship to the children of newly freed enslaved Black people.

“It did not extend birthright citizenship as a matter of constitutional right” to the children of people in the US without documentation, he said.

But the judges questioned how that argument was consistent with the supreme court’s 1898 ruling interpreting the clause in United States v Wong Kim Ark, long understood as guaranteeing American citizenship to children born in the US to non-citizen parents.

Birthright citizenship is Originalism.

THUS, REPUBLICAN LIBERTY:

Why rabbits?: Towards a better, floofier world. (Noah Smith, Jun 18, 2023, Noahpinion)

A number of my blog readers have been asking me to lay out my broad moral framework. Usually I resist this impulse. As David Hume wrote, humans decide on right and wrong based on a confusing and often mutually contradictory jumble of moral instincts, and attempts to fit those instincts into a rigid, internally consistent moral code are generally an exercise in futility. But if I do have one consistent, bedrock principle about the way the world ought to work, it’s this — the strong should protect and uplift the weak.

Nature endows some people with strength — sharp claws, size and musculature, resistance to disease. Human society endows us with other forms of strength that are often far more potent — guns, money, social status, police forces and armies at our backs. Everywhere there is the temptation for those with power to crush those without it, to enslave them, to extract labor and fealty and fawning flattery. “The strong do what they can, and the weak suffer what they must,” wrote Thucydides; this is as concise a statement as you’ll ever find of the law of the jungle, both the real jungle and the artificial jungles humans create for ourselves. A hierarchy of power and brutality is a high-entropy state, an easy equilibrium toward which social interactions naturally flow.

I believe that it is incumbent upon us as thinking, feeling beings — it is our moral purpose and our mission in this world — to resist this natural flow, to stand against it, to reverse it where possible. In addition to our natural endowments of power, we must gather to ourselves what additional power we can, and use it to protect and uplift those who have less of it. To some, that means helping the poor; to others, fighting for democracy or civil rights; to others, it simply means taking good care of their kids, or of a pet rabbit. But always, it means rolling the stone uphill, opposing the natural hierarchies of the world, fighting to reify an imaginary world where the strong exercise no dominion over the weak.

We will never fully realize that world, of course. And my morality is easier to declare than to put into practice; on the way we will make many missteps. We will make mistakes about who is strong and who is weak, punching down when we self-righteously tell ourselves we’re punching up. Like the communists of the 20th century, we will sometimes invert one unjust hierarchy only to put another in its place. And we will be corrupted by the power we gather, mouthing high principle while exploiting some of those we claim to protect; we will tell ourselves that we’re knights while acting like barbarians (just as actually existing knights often did).

All these things will happen, and yet it is incumbent upon us to do the best we can, to keep fighting the good fight for a gentler, more equal world.

CONSERVING ANGLOSPHERIC LIBERTY:

Timeless Whiggish Principles of Liberty (Mark Tooley, July 11, 2025, Providence)

These days between America’s Independence Day of July 4 and France’s Bastille Day on July 14 should provoke reflection about liberty. Whiggery is the label I prefer for the Anglo-American tradition of ordered liberty. It originates in the Anglo Protestant political ferment of the 1600s but offers universal principles to all. These principles are especially important to remember now.

In 1705 the Anglo-Irish statesman Robert Molesworth, who had lived through much of this ferment, penned “Principles of a Real Whig.” These principles helped define America. Thomas Jefferson, John Adams and James Madison had copies of his works.

Molesworth’s Whiggery calls for three balanced branches of government, legal equality for all, economic liberty, policies for social harmony, freedom of religion and conscience, legislatures controlling government expenses, naturalization of immigrants into productive citizens, liberty of the press, and legitimate public works such as highways and public buildings, plus controls against monopolies, and a strong national defense.

Whiggery is chiefly about liberty and guarding against arbitrary power. It assumes a Christian anthropology about humanity’s fallen nature and also optimistically assumes humanity’s capacity for providential improvement. It is realistic and hopeful. It assumes that society will prosper most when free people, amid their differences, can exercise their creativity and pursue virtue.

TO BE FULLY A CITIZEN:

Hitting the Doorsteps: There may be no better way to get involved in politics than canvassing – knocking on your neighbors’ doors and taking time to listen. (Daniel Payne, May 12, 2025, Plough)

An MP’s campaign has the feel of a community project, with a shambling cast of characters you might at other times find involved with the local scout troop or running a church fair. For six weeks the office was full and loud with activity. All available space was crammed with the latest batch of leaflets, the windows blocked up with boxes, desks piled with literature or deliveries to be processed. Volunteers piled in to stuff envelopes, expecting to be paid only in cups of tea.
My job was to help arrange the candidate’s schedule and prep him for awkward and difficult questions he could get thrown – anything from his thoughts on China invading Taiwan, to single gender spaces, to unpopular plans for a new housing estate. And, of course, all those of us who could were expected to hit the streets to canvas voters. As someone who had urged other Christians to engage with politics, here was a chance for me to put it into practice. What better way than by canvassing!

Canvassing is simple. An app has the registered voters of an area logged. You knock on a door, tell them you are campaigning for so-and-so, and ask if they have thought yet about how they might be voting. You log their response in the app and move to the next door.

It is exhausting work. Each door is an unknown. One door could be friendly, chatty, open to questions. The next could be utterly uninterested. The next could chew your ear off about proportional representation and the need for voting reform. The next could be coming off the back of a terrible day at work, with the kids acting up and the dinner burnt, before you knock on the door asking for a vote. I had the demoralizing record of waking up sleeping babies two doors in a row.

Canvassing requires good walking stamina and a thick skin. Don’t take a sharp word or a slammed door to heart. Always beware of the dog.

Once you knock on enough doors in communities like these, you start make connections.

After visiting all (then) 106 Superfund sites in NJ on the campain trail in 1985, and canvassing with the candidate (who had first been elected to the NJ Senate by knocking on every door in his district), I went to work for a Naderite organization, the New Jersey Environmental Federation. We raised money to lobby for a bill requiring the polluters to pat to clean up the toxic waste sites they had created (taxing the externalities) by doing door-to-door canvassing. People were rather uniformly courteous and a perhaps surprising percentage supported the effort. It’s one of the most worthwhile experiences you can have, meeting your fellow citizens.

AND YOU WONDER WHY DONALD HATES THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY?:

The great undoing: Trump’s presidency reeled in by courts (Sam Baker, 5/31/25, Axios)


Between the lines: To some extent, this is the system working the same way it always works. The big things presidents do, at least in the modern era, end up in court.

Obamacare was a big thing, done by both the president and Congress. It’s been before the Supreme Court no less than three times.

Forgiving student loans and trying to impose COVID vaccine mandates were, for better or worse, big things President Biden attempted. The Supreme Court said both were too big.

Trump has made no bones about wanting to go as big as possible, all the time, on everything — and to do it mostly through executive action. Everyone knew before this administration began that myriad legal challenges were inevitable. And, well, they were.

Always bet on the Deep State.

THANK YOU, JUSTICE GORSUCH:

The sweeping federal court order blocking Trump’s tariffs, explained: If this decision stands on appeal, it’s a big loss for Trump that will make it difficult for his trade war to continue. (Ian Millhiser, May 28, 2025, Vox)


The trade court’s first significant holding is that, although a federal appeals court has held that this power to “regulate” foreign transactions sometimes permits the president to impose tariffs, this statute cannot be read to give Trump “unlimited tariff authority.” That is, the IEEPA does not give Trump the power he claims to impose tariffs of any amount, upon any nation, for any duration.

Significantly, the trade court, based in New York City, concludes that the statute cannot be read to give Trump unchecked authority over tariffs because, if Congress had intended to give Trump that power, then the statute would violate the Constitution’s separation of powers because Congress cannot simply give away its full authority over tariffs to the president.

Among other things, the court points to a line of Supreme Court decisions establishing that Congress may only delegate authority to the president if it lays “down by legislative act an intelligible principle to which the person or body authorized to fix such [tariff] rates is directed to conform.” So, if the president’s authority over tariffs is as broad as Trump claims, the statute is unconstitutional because it does not provide sufficient instructions on when or how that authority may be used.

THE dEEP sTATE VS THE IDEOLOGUES:

  1. The Supreme Court’s (Alien Enemies Act) Patience is Wearing Thin: A very quick breakdown of Friday afternoon’s quietly significant ruling slapping down the lower courts in the Northern District of Texas Alien Enemies Act litigation—and what it means going forward. (Steve Vladeck, May 16, 2025, “One First)

Is It Me, Or is the Majority Opinion … Unusually Pointed? It’s not you. There are at different passages in which the majority openly seems to be expressing … frustration … with the government; the lower courts; and Justice Alito (who wrote a dissenting opinion that was joined by Justice Thomas), respectively.

The Government: On page 2, the majority goes into detail about the slippery language the government used on April 18 re: whether any removals under the AEA were imminent, then notes that “evidence now in the record” appears to be inconsistent with the government’s representations, and concludes by underscoring the ongoing litigation in Abrego Garcia—and how difficult it has proven to get detainees back once they have been removed (indeed, Abrego Garcia is cited again on page 4). This is quite a subtle but significant dig at the government for the shell games it’s been playing with AEA detainees, especially for a majority opinion

The Lower Courts: The Court takes a rather healthy shot at the Fifth Circuit for not taking the gravity of the plaintiffs’ claims (and the district court’s delay in ruling on them) seriously enough—correcting the record in the process. As it writes, “Here the District Court’s inaction—not for 42 minutes but for 14 hours and 28 minutes—had the practical effect of refusing an injunction to detainees facing an imminent threat of severe, irreparable harm.” Indeed, that text inside the em-dashes is the majority correcting an erroneous portrayal of the timeline by both the lower courts and Justice Alito back in April. More generally, the opinion is all-but dripping with exasperation that the lower courts didn’t think these cases were serious enough, or the plaintiffs’ allegations of imminent harm plausible enough, to justify moving faster.

Justice Alito: Finally, in a portion of the opinion devoted entirely to responding to Justice Alito’s dissent, the majority begins by “reject[ing] the dissent’s characterization of the events that transpired on April 18.” That may seem tame by the standards of contemporary public discourse; it’s a pretty sharp elbow in a majority opinion by the Supreme Court. And, again, it appears to reflect real concern on the part of the justices in the majority that the dissenting justices seem so un-troubled by how events appeared to be transpiring back in April.

Why Did Justice Alito Dissent? The dissent effectively starts from the proposition that “the District Court had no good reason to think that either A. A. R. P. or W. M. M. was in imminent danger of removal” back on April 18, and reasons backwards from there. It argues that the Court itself lacks jurisdiction to grant the relief the plaintiffs sought (as I explained in response to Alito’s dissent from the April 19 order, this is clearly incorrect). It then argues that in any event, plaintiffs were unlikely to prevail on the merits because (1) class certification isn’t available in a habeas petition; and (2) it isn’t appropriate in this case. (Interestingly, Alito never explains why relief wouldn’t have been appropriate to at least the two named plaintiffs.) There’s not much new here beyond the stuff Alito got wrong back in April—with one exception: Alito goes out of his way to criticize the majority’s conclusion that federal courts can provisionally certify classes for the purposes of preliminary relief even without reaching a tentative judgment about whether a class will ultimately be certified (see, especially, the second paragraph of footnote 3 on page 8 of his dissent). Among other things, his unmissable frustration on this point has the (perhaps unintended) effect of making clear just how deliberate a holding this really is—and will provide powerful support in other cases when litigants point to the majority opinion as reasserting the availability of temporary relief to putative classes without having to decide whether formal class certification is likely.

Thomas and Alito are ideologues, not conservatives.

BEEN HERE/DONE THIS:

Surviving Bad Presidents: What the Constitution asks of us.: a review of The Presidents and the People: Five Leaders Who Threatened Democracy and the Citizens Who Fought to Defend It by Corey Brettschneider (George Thomas, May 16, 2025, The Bulwark)

Corey Brettschneider’s The Presidents and the People illuminates how John Adams, James Buchanan, Andrew Johnson, Woodrow Wilson, and Richard Nixon all acted in ways that overtly challenged core features of constitutional democracy: using the power of the state to silence and punish political critics, acting against the clear purpose of the Civil War amendments and their promise of equal citizenship with regard to race, and disregarding the rule of law by refusing to recognize any limits on executive power. While they did not all threaten constitutional democracy in the same manner, let alone to the same extent—a vast gulf separates John Adams and Andrew Johnson—Brettschneider’s argument is a timely reminder that America’s most powerful political office has not only been occupied by the unworthy before, but that more than once in our history the immense power of that office has been wielded in a manner that imperiled American democracy.

Yet this power was resisted. Not always by courts or Congress, but by citizens acting, speaking, writing, and organizing to defend the Constitution. Ordinary citizens—or, more aptly, extraordinary citizens who held no official or prominent office—helped build political coalitions that worked to secure constitutional government against presidential overreach. Brettschneider’s five case studies are compulsively readable, bringing vividly to life some of the lower moments of America’s history, while offering hope by spotlighting the citizens who fought for constitutional democracy.

Always bet on the Deep State.

THE RESTRAINT OF FREEDOM IS THE GENIUS OF REPUBLICAN LIBERTY:

The Horror of Unlimited Freedom: a review of The Lives of the Caesars By Suetonius, Translated by Tom Holland (John Byron Kuhner, May 12, 2025, Compass)


It is easy to feel that our era loves the Roman Empire too much, and the frugal, law-abiding, freedom-loving Roman Republic too little. I would rather see a new Hollywood movie about Scipio Africanus than another Gladiator retread. Yet the basic reason for having a republic at all is found on every page of the Lives. The emperors are powerful, but with this power comes no grace, no elevation of virtue or capacity to justify such power. In the very Caesars themselves, who have given their name to absolute power in the West for millennia, Suetonius can find no mystique. Here are no heroes, no mandate of heaven. They are caliphs of nobody. Just human beings, no more. He makes sure to describe them all as if naked: “potbellied,” “balding,” “speckled with birthmarks,” “with splayed feet and bandy legs.” In his introduction, Holland claims that “Suetonius was not, nor had any wish to be, a historian… He did not bother himself with the precise details of Caesar’s conquest of Gaul, nor of the ferociously complex political machinations that had accompanied Augustus’ rise to power, nor of the tortured relationship between Tiberius and his fellow aristocrats.” Perhaps he merely wrote a different type of history, and for different reasons. Historians tend to swaddle their subjects in great robes of historical dignity. Suetonius depicts what is under everyone’s clothes.

We tend to think of the arrival of Julius Caesar and the destruction of the Republic as the end of freedom. Suetonius, by focusing on the persons of the emperors, shows that this reading is incorrect. In fact, the arrival of the Empire meant unlimited freedom—for one individual. Indeed this book is primarily a study in such freedom. Caligula during a meal with two friends suddenly begins laughing, and when asked why, he answers, “Why, only that with a single nod I could have either of your throats cut here and now!” Augustus is dining with a friend when he gets up, takes the man’s wife away, has sex with her, and returns, “with her hair dishevelled and her face bright red from ear to ear.” He knew the husband and wife were powerless to oppose him.

This is a sobering thought for every republic, that freedom corrupted might well devolve in this way. The worst form of slavery is a society where the leaders feel themselves completely free. What is slavery itself, but someone else’s freedom over you?

NOT ACTUALLY DEBATABLE:

The Originalist Case for Birthright Citizenship (John Yoo & Robert Delahunty, Spring 2025, National Affairs)

While the original Constitution required “citizenship” for federal office, it did not define the term until 1868, when the 14th Amendment was ratified. That amendment’s Citizenship Clause provides: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.” The provision effectively constitutionalized the British common-law rule of jus soli, under which, as 18th-century English jurist William Blackstone explained, “the children of aliens, born here in England, are, generally speaking, natural-born subjects, and entitled to all the privileges of such.”

The common-law rule of jus soli derives from a 1608 English decision known as Calvin’s Case, which arose when King James VI of Scotland ascended to the throne of England as King James I. This union between England and Scotland through a single monarch was purely personal and dynastic; it did not represent the legal or political integration of the two kingdoms, which remained distinct until they were united by the Acts of Union in 1707. Calvin’s Case asked whether persons born in Scotland under King James VI — his subjects in Scotland — were to be considered aliens in England or subjects of King James I.

The lead opinion in the case, which was widely accessible to American lawyers of the founding, was Edward Coke’s. As Coke explained:

Every one born within the dominions of the King of England, whether here or in his colonies or dependencies, being under the protection of — therefore, according to our common law, owes allegiance to — the King and is subject to all the duties and entitled to enjoy all the rights and liberties of an Englishman.

One became a natural-born English subject, therefore, upon being born within any of the king’s dominions. The birth of a subject created a reciprocal relationship between the subject and the king whereby the subject had a right to the king’s protection while the king had a right to the subject’s allegiance. Calvin’s Case embodies this doctrine, known today as jus soli.

American courts’ and commentators’ embrace of jus soli traces back to the early days of the republic. Gardner v. Ward, for instance, was an 1806 Massachusetts case involving a merchant born in the American colonies before the Revolution. Local officials contended that the merchant’s absence from his birthplace and residence in the British colonies for part of the Revolutionary War’s duration meant that he was an alien who could not vote in a local election. The court disagreed, deciding instead in the merchant’s favor:

I take it then to be established, with a few exceptions not requiring our present notice, that a man, born within the jurisdiction of the common law, is a citizen of the country wherein he is born. By this circumstance of his birth, he is subjected to the duty of allegiance, which is claimed and enforced by the sovereign of his native land; and becomes reciprocally entitled to the protection of that sovereign and to the other rights and advantages, which are included in the term citizenship. The place of birth is coextensive with the dominions of the sovereignty, entitled to the duty of allegiance.

Justice Joseph Story’s dissent in the 1830 case Inglis v. Trustees of Sailor’s Snug Harbor further elucidated jus soli. Story wrote that two conditions “usually concur to create citizenship — first, birth locally within the dominions of the sovereign, and secondly birth within the protection and obedience, or in other words within the ligeance of the sovereign.” Both conditions are met when the child is “born within a place where the sovereign is at the time in full possession and exercise of his power” and when the child “at his birth derive[s] protection from, and consequently owe[s] obedience or allegiance to the sovereign as such, de facto.” Again, the parents’ legal status had no bearing on the citizenship of a baby born on American territory.

Even shortly before the 14th Amendment was ratified, American judges affirmed the jus soli doctrine.