Anglospherics

CALVIN COOLIDGE WAS NOT CONSERVATIVE:

What Trump Is Forgetting: American Nations Have a Long History of Open Borders (Daniel Mendiola, 1/27/26, The Guardian)

In the US, open borders were more of a default policy born out of the absence of legal restrictions, but this was still the case for nearly the first 150 years the country’s existence. Immigrants were by default presumed admissible, and the federal government did not implement immigration restrictions at all until until the late 19th century when it singled out Chinese immigrants for exclusion, though borders remained open otherwise, and even many Chinese were able to evade these laws by naturalizing in other countries first, such as Mexico. It was not until the 1920s that federal lawmakers experimented with a fully closed-border system (defined as a system in which any immigrant is presumed inadmissible until they demonstrate that they fit into one of the restricted, previously defined categories that would make one admissible and have that admissibility officially recognized by the state). This was a massive expansion of federal powers, and under this clunky new system, some decades saw heavier enforcement than others – especially for racialized groups such as Mexicans and Haitians – even as late as the 1980s, closed borders were flexible enough that a large-scale amnesty program could pass with relatively little controversy.

THE ANGLOSPHERE IS ROME:

Modern Laws We Owe to Ancient Rome: Explore the Roman origins of modern legal systems. Learn how the Twelve Tables, contract laws, and the Lex Aquilia established the foundations for justice and property rights. (Mike Cohen, 1/26/26, The Collector)

Seeking to end this priest-controlled monopoly on legal knowledge, the common class (plebeians) demanded that the rules be written down for all to see. And so, in 451 BCE, a commission of ten men referred to as the decemviri gathered to draft the first formal code of law.

Referred to as the Twelve Tables, the rules which were written on bronze tablets were put up in the public square known as the Forum, where they could be read by all citizens. The concept established the idea that law was public rather than arbitrary. Before this time, the elite often changed the rules to suit their needs as no written rules existed. So, what are some of the modern laws derived from Ancient Rome?

THE rIGHT IS THE lEFT:

The Poverty of Vanceonomics (Samuel Gregg, 1/14/26, Civitas Outlook)

[A]t the core of Vanceonomics is a preferential option for government intervention. Vance, for example, has spoken in favor of raising the federal minimum wage and even supported to that effect as a senator, despite the well-documented negative economic that such raises have on the job prospects of younger, poorer, and less-educated Americans.

This is not the only area in which Vance’s economic position aligns with the preferences of American progressives. Vance’s support for expansive antitrust laws that go far beyond the consumer welfare standard, which assesses the impact of proposed mergers and conduct on consumers, places him in the same camp as Senator Elizabeth Warren and former Federal Trade Commissioner Lina Khan, the latter of whom Vance once as “doing a pretty good job.”

Past and present advocates of expansive applications of antitrust insist that such measures ensure that large corporations don’t destroy market competition by leveraging their greater resources to establish monopolies by crushing medium- and small-sized businesses that might become potential rivals. In the past, Vance’s opposition to what Justice William O. Douglas once “The Curse of Bigness” was particularly directed against big tech companies. In February 2024, for example, Vance for the breakup of Google.

Vance’s antitrust views directly clash with long-standing critiques of expansive antitrust advanced by scholars such as, and. They pointed out that U.S. antitrust laws have been characterized by vaguely worded statutes and complex case law that introduce excessive uncertainty into the economy by making standard business practices, such as exclusive contracting, potentially unlawful. The subsequent shift towards the consumer welfare standard in court decisions from the late-1970s onwards simplified matters by focusing attention upon what really matters: the principle of consumer sovereignty, thereby limiting the type of government interventions that actually competition in the name, perversely enough, of preventing monopolies.

By contrast, Vance’s antitrust views downplay the extent to which more expansive understandings of such laws have been weaponized by companies to undermine existing competitors, but also by government officials seeking to punish businesses that refuse to cooperate with whoever is in the White House. Presidents ranging from to have gone down that path.

There is reason to be concerned that Vance might bring that outlook to the conduct of economic policy more generally. The vice-president has, after all, associated himself with those conservatives who have adopted the New Right’s friend-enemies logic to legitimize using the state to punish one’s political opponents. Penalizing people for their political views is hardly the purpose of, for instance, tax policy in any society that takes the rule of law seriously. Yet there have been occasions when Vance has expressed a desire to raise taxes on specific groups because of what he [sees] as their willingness to side with a “global oligarchy” instead of the United States.

DARWINISM IS FOREIGN:

Identity crisis: Importing foreign ideas is no way to strengthen American conservatism (Freedom Conservatism, Jan 19, 2026)

What separates us from the NatCons isn’t our respective commitments to preserving and strengthening the American nation. It is how we define that nation.

As American conservatives, we reject any attempt to import from Europe or elsewhere conceptions of nationhood that are inconsistent with America’s history, founding documents, and civic traditions. Other nations may profess allegiance to a throne or altar, or define citizenship based on shared ethnicity or religious affiliation.

Here in America, however, those are foreign ideas.

At the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, the populations of the rebellious 13 colonies included people of English, Scottish, Welsh, Irish, Dutch, French, German, Scandinavian, African, and Native American ancestry. Most were Protestant but some professed other faiths or none at all.

Later additions to the union such as Florida, Texas, and New Mexico included people of Spanish and indigenous descent who possessed distinctive cultures and whose ancestors lived in America before the settlement of Jamestown and Massachusetts. The final two states admitted, Alaska and Hawaii, contain descendants of other ethnic groups living in those lands long before the 1500s.

Add in the descendants of generations of immigrants to the present-day United States, and you have a mix of cultures, folkways, and histories that renders incoherent and absurd the notion of “heritage Americans.”

NEVER RETURN TO HISTORY:

Three Lessons from Venezuela’s Economic Collapse: Policy choices turned an oil-rich democracy into a petrostate, then into an authoritarian economy where repression followed redistribution. (Matthew D. Mitchell, January 23, 2026, Daily Economy)

Oil was not the only explanation for Venezuela’s 1970s prosperity. The government spent and taxed modestly. It left most industry in private hands. Inflation was low. And international trade was almost entirely free of tariffs and regulatory barriers to trade.

In 1970, Venezuela scored a little less than 7 on the Fraser Institute’s 10-point Economic Freedom of the World index, making it the 13th most economically free country in the world, just ahead of Japan.

But as the rest of the world liberalized in the 1980s and 1990s, Venezuela went in the opposite direction.

AMERICAN LIVES MATTER:

Emerging Evidence Provides Basis for Opening Investigation of ICE Agent Who Killed Renee Good (Julia Gegenheimer, January 22, 2026, Justr Security)

Since Good’s shooting, facts have incrementally emerged that point to both the excessiveness of Agent Ross’s use of force and to his intent. Exhaustive reporting has helped establish many of the circumstances surrounding the Jan. 7 shooting, including through a multi-angle, step-by-step analysis of the incident. It’s a good start in determining whether the force was unreasonable. The fact that agents had been able to pass by Good’s vehicle; that Good was clearly turning her steering wheel and vehicle away from the agents at the time shots were fired; that there was a notable gap between Agent’s Ross’s body and the vehicle, at least at the time of the second and third shots; that he was the only agent on the scene to even attempt to use any kind of force—all indicate that resorting to deadly force was not reasonable under the circumstances. Prosecutors would, of course, want to test, corroborate, and build on that evidence through, among other things, ballistics analysis, complete autopsy and medical reports, and witnesses accounts. Definitively establishing where the agent was positioned when he fired the shot that, according to an independent medical pathologist’s report, struck the left side of Good’s head and likely killed her, will be critical.

The more difficult question, as in so many of these cases, is one of intent. Prosecutors must prove the agent’s thinking and motivation. To this end, there is evidence that Agent Ross did not view Ms. Good as an imminent physical threat. Multiple videos show, for instance, that Agent Ross’s own vehicle was able to get around Ms. Good’s SUV, that he chose to walk around the front of Ms. Good’s vehicle (thereby exposing himself to possible harm, and against DHS policy) with one hand occupied by a cell phone, and that, just prior to the shooting, Ms. Good told the agents, “I’m pulling out.” Other evidence suggests that Agent Ross may have shot because he felt annoyed or disrespected by Ms. Good and her partner, rather than out of fear for his safety. The former are improper motivations that would support § 242’s willfulness prong. From the outset, for example, videos show that Ms. Good and her partner stopped their SUV in the street and honked the horn repeatedly in apparent protest of the ICE agents. Additionally—and courtesy of the agent’s own cellphone video, which importantly provides a view of the incident from his perspective—we can hear Ms. Good say, “That’s fine dude, I’m not mad at you,” and her partner sarcastically tell Agent Ross to “go get yourself some lunch, big boy.” Perhaps giving a window into his irritation at these remarks or Ms. Good’s attempt to drive away, Agent Ross muttered after firing his weapon at her, “fcking btch.” He walked away from Ms. Good’s SUV, which had by that point crashed into a parked vehicle (a clear sign that Ms. Good was injured or dead), and gestured to someone else to “call 911.”

Together, these facts are more than enough to show the allegation that Agent Ross willfully used excessive force when he shot Ms. Good is a serious one. And because that allegation, if proven, would constitute a violation of federal law, it is wholly appropriate to open a formal investigation into the shooting. (Indeed, it is no wonder that an initial FBI review reportedly concluded that opening an investigation was justified.)

DONALD’S TRIPLE CROWN:

Trump’s Plan to Seize Greenland is Simultaneously Evil, Illegal, and Counterproductive: It would alienate allies, impose US rule on an unwilling population, and blatantly violate both US and international law.The plan to impose tariffs on nations opposing the seizure is also illegal and harmful. (Ilya Somin | 1.18.2026, Volokh Conspiracy)


Donald Trump’s plan to seize Greenland has the rare distinction of simultaneously combining grave injustice, massive illegality, and extreme counterproductive stupidity. The same is true of his more recent effort to impose tariffs on eight European countries opposing the plan.

Let’s start with first principles. As the Declaration of Independence states, government should be based on the “consent of the governed.” No real-world government is fully consensual. But a US conquest would make the government of Greenland less consensual than it is now. Polls indicate some 85% of Greenlanders oppose annexation by the US, while only 6% support it. In the 2025 Greenland election, the overwhelming majority of them voted for parties that support either independence or continued rule by Denmark.

Forcible annexation could perhaps be justified if it were the only way to stop some kind of severe oppression. But there is nothing like that in Greenland. Nor is there any reason think that US rule would be significantly better in terms of protecting various human rights than the current combination of Danish rule and extensive regional autonomy.

NOT A VENN DIAGRAM:

The Basic Decency of Republican Self-Government (Greg Weiner, Law & Liberty)

Carey shows, against the Progressive reading that Federalist 10 is anti-democratic, that it actually reflects a commitment to deliberate republicanism. Nowhere in the essay, he observes, does Madison raise a constitutional barrier to majorities, relying instead solely on the empirical conditions that naturally occur in an extended republic. There is particularly no reference to the Supreme Court as a barrier against abusive majorities. Instead, by the end of the essay Madison pronounces the disease of factions cured without any resort to constitutional mechanisms: The theory should hold in any extensive republic regardless of its particular constitutional forms.

“Separation of Powers and the Madisonian Model: A Reply to the Critics” similarly seeks to exculpate Madison from accusations of anti-democratic heresy. The misconstructions he dismantles continue to haunt American thought in the form of an assumption that the separation of powers is designed to inhibit majorities, with political fault lines merely forming around the question of whether that is a salutary feature of the system.

Instead, and this is Carey’s central and, I think, irrefutable premise, Madison explicitly distinguishes between two problems: the abuse of minorities by majorities, which he calls the problem of “faction” and solves wholly within the confines of Federalist 10, and “tyranny,” the exposure of the people to the arbitrary rule of the government, which he defines in Federalist 47 and solves in Federalist 51 through the separation of powers. He writes:

We may say, then, that the chief end sought through separation of powers was avoidance of capricious and arbitrary government. The end, however, can be stated more precisely and positively. Article XXX of the Massachusetts Convention of 1780, in which we find the injunction that no branch shall exercise the functions of another, concludes “to the end it may be a government of laws and not of men.”

The import of the distinction between majority oppression and governmental tyranny is not merely theoretical. Without it, the separation of powers, perhaps the cornerstone of Madisonian republicanism, is rendered duplicative and therefore undemocratic.

AN ALIEN ATE MY HOMEWORK:

Erich von Däniken and the modern paranoid style: His archeological esoterica fuelled the development of modern conspiracy theory (James Snell, 1/18/26, The Critic)

Some readers will remember Däniken. They may still, if they look hard enough, find his ageing paperbacks in cardboard boxes in their attic — foremost among them his bestseller Chariots of the Gods? To those for whom Däniken’s name does not ring any bells, I heartily recommend this book. If you read it, you’ll begin to see Däniken’s influence everywhere — in much popular discussion of his favoured subject (archaeology) and broader, more widely across the modern internet and social media.

What Däniken sold was a suite of theories and a series of bold, grand narratives about the human past. The history of the ancient world, he said, was wrong and false. It had to be rewritten. Instead of the archaeological evidence we have and the conclusions drawn by scholars, Däniken argued that instead, there were two clear things academics and gatekeepers ignored: evidence of aliens, and evidence of what was almost supernatural.

Däniken posited that all ancient societies were linked by something beyond human understanding. Their mysteries and achievements, like the pyramids of Giza, were the product of cooperation with, or rule by, godlike beings that came from the stars.

If someone/something else is not in control of your life you have to accept personal responsibility for what you’ve made of it. the root of all conspiracies is the attempt to avoid this accountability.