YEAH, BUT HUNTER AND HOOKERS!:

To understand how Hutchinson changed what we knew about the Capitol attack, it's helpful to focus on four key moments in her testimony.

1) In a January 2, 2021, conversation, Trump ally Rudy Giuliani told Hutchinson that "we are going to the Capitol, it's going to be great, the president is going to be there." When she asked Meadows about what Giuliani said, her boss warned that "things might get real, real bad on January 6." In the following days, the White House received repeated warnings from intelligence agencies that the rally might turn violent; neither Trump nor Meadows did anything.

This not only indicates that the White House had warning of a very serious risk of violence at the rally, but raises the question of whether the violence was actually planned -- that is, what specifically "real, real bad" referred to.

2) On the morning of the attack, when Trump was informed that people in the crowd for his speech had weapons, Hutchinson heard the president say, "I don't care that they have weapons. They're not here to hurt me."

This is the strongest evidence we've had that the president had direct and advance warning on the day of the attack that his crowd was prepared for violence, and that he then proceeded to instruct these people to march on the Capitol, indifferent at best that those weapons might be used there. "They're not here to hurt me" could be read a couple of ways: It could simply be downplaying any threat to Trump's person, but it could also suggest he believed that they were there to hurt someone else.

3) After his speech, Trump had planned to personally travel to the Capitol with the rioters. Hutchinson was informed by another White House aide that Secret Service agents attempted to take the car back to the White House instead, citing ongoing violence. In response, Trump reportedly tried to physically seize control of the wheel from a Secret Service agent in a failed attempt to drive to the Capitol.

This is the one key detail that Hutchinson herself did not witness, so we can't be as confident that it happened as described. Nevertheless, the story -- together with other evidence, including National Security Council chat logs released by the committee -- provides new and strong reasons to believe that the president was set on leading the Capitol mob, even after it turned violent.

4) When the president returned to the White House, he met with Meadows and White House counsel Pat Cipollone and discussed the rioters chanting "hang Mike Pence" in the halls of the Capitol. Hutchinson heard Meadows say, "You heard him, Pat. He thinks Mike deserves it. He doesn't think they're doing anything wrong."

Hutchinson is not the first committee source to describe Trump as approving the idea of Pence's execution. But hearing more confirmation, together with testimony that he believed that the crowd assaulting police officers and ransacking the Capitol was doing nothing wrong, paints an even clearer picture of a president who not only condoned the violence, but actively approved of it.

Put together, and assuming the details are true, we now have good reason to believe that the violence of the day was not accidental but intentional: that Trump wanted a violent mob to attack the Capitol on his behalf, to use force to disrupt Congress's certification of the election results and thus give him a chance at illegally holding onto the presidency.

It appears, in short, to be a kind of attempted regime change: a coup that we would have no problem describing as such in any other country but our own.

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