January 23, 2006

GOD MADE MAN MORALLY, NOT MATERIALLY, EQUAL:

The Plot to Shush Rush and O’Reilly: Talk radio, cable news, and the blogosphere freed U.S. political discourse. The Left wants to rein it in again. (Brian C. Anderson, Winter 2006, City Journal)

Campaign-finance reform has a squeaky-clean image, but the dirty truth is that this speech-throttling legislation is partly the result of a hoax perpetrated by a handful of liberal foundations, led by the venerable Pew Charitable Trusts. New York Post reporter Ryan Sager exposed the scam when he got hold of a 2004 videotape of former Pew official Sean Treglia telling a roomful of journalists and professors how Pew and other foundations spent years bankrolling various experts, ostensibly independent nonprofits (including the Center for Public Integrity and Democracy 21), and media outlets (NPR got $1.2 million for “news coverage of financial influence in political decision-making”)—all aimed at fooling Washington into thinking that Americans were clamoring for reform, when in truth there was little public pressure to “clean up the system.” “The target group for all this activity was 535 people in Washington,” said Treglia matter-of-factly, referring to Congress. “The idea was to create an impression that a mass movement was afoot—that everywhere they looked, in academic institutions, in the business community, in religious groups, in ethnic groups, everywhere, people were talking about reform.”

Treglia urged grantees to keep Pew’s role hush-hush. “If Congress thought this was a Pew effort,” he confided, “it’d be worthless. It’d be 20 million bucks thrown down the drain.” At one point, late in the congressional debate over McCain-Feingold, “we had a scare,” Treglia said. “George Will stumbled across a report we had done. . . . He started to reference the fact that Pew was playing a large role . . . [and] that it was a liberal attempt to hoodwink Congress. . . . The good news, from my perspective, was that journalists . . . just didn’t care and nobody followed up.” The hoaxers—a conspiracy of eight left-wing foundations, including George Soros’s Open Society Institute and the Ford Foundation—have actually spent $123 million trying to get other people’s money out of politics since 1994, Sager reports—nearly 90 percent of the spending by the entire campaign-finance lobby over this period.

The ultimate pipe dream of the reformers is a rigidly egalitarian society, where government makes sure that every individual’s influence over politics is exactly the same, regardless of his wealth. Scrutinize the pronouncements of campaign-finance reform groups like the Pew-backed Democracy 21, and you’ll see how the meaning of “corruption” morphs into “inequality of influence” in this sense. This notion of corruption—really a Marxoid opposition to inequality of wealth—would have horrified the Founding Fathers, who believed in private property with its attendant inequalities, and who trusted to the clash of factions to ensure that none oppressed the others. The Founders would have seen in the reformers’ utopian schemes, in which the power of government makes all equally weak, the embodiment of tyranny.

To eradicate “corruption,” leading theorists of campaign-finance reform, such as Ohio State University law professor (and former Ohio state solicitor) Edward Foley, Loyola law prof Richard Hasen, and radical redistributionist philosopher Ronald Dworkin, want to replace privately financed campaigns with a system in which government would guarantee “equal dollars per voter,” as Foley puts it, perhaps by giving all Americans the same number of political “coupons,” which they could then redeem on the political activities of their choice. This super-powerful government would ban all other political expenditures and require all political groups to get operating licenses from it, with stiff criminal penalties for violators. The experts have even started calling for draconian media restrictions to achieve their egalitarian aims. In Foley’s view, the chilling of speech is “the necessary price we must pay in order to have an electoral system that guarantees equal opportunity for all.” But when these experts pen law-review articles with titles like “Campaign Finance Laws and the Rupert Murdoch Problem,” you know it isn’t the New York Times or CBS News that they have in mind.


There's nothing more repressive and anti-human than egalitarianism.

Posted by Orrin Judd at January 23, 2006 5:42 PM
Comments

"Campaign-finance reform has a squeaky-clean image, but the dirty truth is that this speech-throttling legislation is partly the result of a hoax perpetrated by a handful of liberal foundations"

And what does it say about him that even after the truth has come out, Sen. Keating-McCain has stayed bought?

Posted by: Raoul Ortega at January 23, 2006 7:01 PM

That guilt warps the human soul.

Posted by: oj at January 23, 2006 7:06 PM

Constitutional campaign finance reform is easy:
1) Allow unlimited individual contributions;
2) Require the listing of all contributions within 24 hours of receipt;
3) Require that all contributions be only from those individuals eligible to vote or the political party organization (i.e., no corporate, union, PAC, or 527 contributions);
4) Prohibit contributions from individuals outside the district or state involved in congressional elections.

Posted by: jd watson [TypeKey Profile Page] at January 23, 2006 7:10 PM

require listing on line and in all offices.

Posted by: Sandy P at January 23, 2006 8:05 PM

For 40-0dd years, the right to keep and bear arms was preserved by the fundamental rights of assembly and petition. The anti-gun animus of McCain-Feingold was manifest in its legislative history.

A non-govermental organization, the National Rifle Association, transformed American politics and changed the course of history, and none of the politicians were comfortable with it.

Posted by: Lou Gots at January 23, 2006 8:31 PM

"leading theorists of campaign-finance reform, such as Ohio State University law professor (and former Ohio state solicitor) Edward Foley"

I havent given the law school money in years.

Posted by: Robert Schwartz at January 23, 2006 8:39 PM

Robert: You went to OSU Law too? I'm class of 1984.

Posted by: Bob at January 23, 2006 9:10 PM

Bob: 1975.

Posted by: Robert Schwartz at January 23, 2006 11:22 PM
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