March 28, 2004

IT'S THE UNPRINCIPLE:

GOP Success: It's the Principles, Stupid: Liberals don't get the forces behind the right's rise (Matthew Dallek, March 28, 2004, LA Times)

The conservative edge of the Republican Party in the 1950s crafted a political philosophy, adapted it to the social turmoil of the '60s and deepened its popular appeal in the '70s by donning the mantle of political insurgency. When World War II ended, conservatives were isolationist in foreign affairs and adrift on domestic matters. Following Sen. Robert Taft's death and Sen. Joseph McCarthy's demise in the 1950s, they were what Sidney Blumenthal and others have called a "remnant." At the time, liberal commentators described conservatives as crackpots out of touch with modernity and progress.

Conservatives wore such epithets like medals of honor. The National Review, William F. Buckley Jr. wrote in the magazine's 1955 premiere issue, "stands athwart history, yelling 'Stop,' at a time when no one is inclined to do so, or to have much patience with those who so urge it." Conservatives logged long hours behind the scenes in pursuit of a political philosophy — not policies and electoral strategies. Far from monolithic in outlook, they relished ideological debates among themselves. Leading conservatives gave speeches to business organizations and exhorted fellow travelers at anti-communist rallies. They wrote books called "Witness" and "Up From Liberalism" and "None Dare Call It Treason." In addition to writing in the National Review, conservatives propounded ideas in Human Events and other magazines and pamphlets. "It is not the single conservative's responsibility or right to draft a concrete program — merely to suggest the principles that should frame it," Buckley noted.

Disdaining both Democrats and mainstream Republicans as big-government liberals, conservatives successfully adopted three bedrock beliefs: anti-statism, anti-communism and pro-moral authority. These beliefs formed the foundation of the movement's success over the next four decades. [...]

As the '60s progressed, however, right-wing jeremiads aimed at totalitarian ant heaps were replaced by a single-minded focus on public morality and law and order. Running against riots, crime, anti-Vietnam demonstrators and student dissent, conservatives appealed to whites — some racist — angry at Democratic support for civil rights. Conservatives shattered the liberal political order by ostracizing fringe figures like Welch and promising to restore traditional values to schools and streets. In 1966, Ronald Reagan complained that California's city streets resembled "jungle paths after dark." As governor, he had a sign near his office that read: "Observe the Rules or Get Out." In 1968, George Wallace, who had then abandoned the Democrats and was running for president as an independent, used the language of law and order and "values" to win votes in white, working-class communities. Conservatives soon appropriated Wallace's themes, denouncing "acid, abortion and amnesty," as Richard Nixon's running mate, Spiro Agnew, put it, which helped them further refine their populist message.

By the 1970s, conservatives were routinely using insurgent imagery and language to identify with middle- and working-class voters. In 1978, Howard Jarvis spearheaded his "tax revolt," Proposition 13, by attacking the liberal establishment for thwarting people's will and giving ordinary people's money to minorities and other so-called special interests.
In the aftermath of Vietnam, neoconservatives, calling Democrats weak on security, promised to win the Cold War by taking the struggle to communists, from Afghanistan to Nicaragua. Appealing to pride and patriotism, conservatives wrapped themselves in the flag. To this day, Democrats still wrestle with this foreign policy critique.

Today, conservatives are entrenched, politically dominant and often intransigent — exhibiting some of the proclivities that predated the liberals' crackup in the 1960s. Against this backdrop, the left's challenge is to stop obsessing over the right's organizing successes. Instead, it should articulate its bedrock beliefs, then unite and figure out which buttons to push to maximize its appeal in a country where "order" — the war on terror — remains a central concern. Liberals must drum out of their ranks figures like Ralph Nader who are now part of the fringe and seek a balance between philosophy and strategy, internal dissent and political cohesion. By taking these steps, they will finally be able to claim Buckley and Reagan's conservative counterrevolution legacy.


That's sound advice, except for one thing: Democrats, having abandoned religion, no longer believe in order. In fact, they no longer have any principles--they are simply a collection of special interests, which by its nature disagrees within its own ranks on most issues. To adopt a set of organizing principles would drive away several of the members of the coalition and make them even more of a minority party. It would be healthy as an intellectual exercise but suicidal as a political matter.

Posted by Orrin Judd at March 28, 2004 5:52 PM
Comments

Dallek also seems to miss an important point: conservatives didn't just sit around articulating principles and figuring out "which buttons to push," they worked out actual, testable solutions to visible failures of liberalism: deregulation, tax cuts, broken-window theory policing, welfare reform, etc. One big problem the left has these days is that they are out of new ideas.

Posted by: PapayaSF at March 28, 2004 7:19 PM

Your summation tells the story - the Democrat party isn't a party of ideals or shared policies, it's a party of divergent minority interests that are bundled together in a mutual interest fascio that doesn't support any particular end except the acquisition of power. The acquisition enables them to do collectively what they could otherwise never do individually...

Posted by: MEC2 at March 28, 2004 8:13 PM

The Democrats' current problem really dates back to the period from 1967-72. Where Buckley in the mid-1950s was saying conservatism "stands athwart history, yelling 'Stop,' at a time when no one is inclined to do so, or to have much patience with those who so urge it." the Democrats at the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s were taken over by a group of people who believed in the inexorable movement of politics to the left, even when those goals fell outside mainstream popular support.

Combined with a symbiotic relationship with the mainstream media, which supported their goals and publicized them as the wave of the future along with overstating their popular support, the result was initially the 1972 McGovern campaign debacle. Since then, the only time the Democrats have been able to win the presidency is when they've run a candidate who have gone against the party's ever-further-left image, with Carter and his evangelism in 1976 and Clinton and his "new Democrat" DLC strategy in 1992.

Carter's religous beliefs were mocked during the '76 campaign within the media, and were it not for Ford's gaffe on Poland and the post-Watergate effect on the election in general he probably would have lost. Clinton won because by 1992 the Democrats had been out of power long enough so that the far left of the party that controlled its operations were willing to shut up for the five months of the main part of the campaign, from Clinton's Sister Soljah moment through Election Day.

That's the gAme play they're going to try and use again in 2004, which you can already see with Kerry's tax cut proposal from last Thursday. But barring some major event between now and November it's going to be tough for it to work. The candidate hasn't spent years building up his DLC ties to the more centerist members of the party, the way Clinton did, and the body of Democrats hates Bush so much they can't help themselves from attacking his record on the war on terror, but without providing any alternate policy of substance other than "Let's do what Jaques and Kofi want us to so everyone wil like us more."

This might be a good strategy for the husbands of rich ketchup heresses who don't want their friends getting nasty glances in fancy European restaurants just because they're American, but it's unlikely to be very effective for the general population as a whole. Kerry still does have room and time to run to Bush's right on some of the war on terror issues, since most people still aren't paying attention, but to do that would require the left wing Democrats shutting up for 6-7 months until Election Day, they way they did with Clinton. Hard to see thet kind of self-discipline within the party as of now.

Posted by: John at March 28, 2004 9:14 PM

Kerry can't run to the right on the war on terror, he's already said it's not as important as W thinks it is and it's a criminal issue.

Posted by: Sandy P. at March 28, 2004 10:13 PM

The interesting question to me is whether they'll work up a new philosophy from within or just be hijacked by some coherent group. The Greens probably think it'll be them, but I'm guessing libertarians.

Posted by: mike earl at March 28, 2004 11:05 PM

mike:

Can't be. It's only transfer payments that keeps the coalition together now. Libertarian views on taxes and social programs would leave them with only the most socially permissive on board.

John:

But they already blew their shot at the Third Way when Clinton blinked. Their best hope lies not to the center but to the Left. Just promise 51% that they need never pay taxes again nor workj much, that the other 49% will be dunned to provide them with welfare.

Posted by: oj at March 28, 2004 11:31 PM

Sandy --

Seven-plus months out there's still plenty of time for multiple Kerry flip-flops on the terrorism issue, depending on how hte internal polling is going. If the pollsters tell him to say it is important in the fall, he will.

OJ --

That would work, if they can get those in the 51 percent group to think they're never going to be in the group with upper 49 percent, and therefore have no stake in keeping upper income bracket tax rates down. Hence the mantra over the worst economy since Hoover, because America is fundamentally an optimistic country. It's in the Democratic Party's interests to turn the population into morose characters out of an Ingmar Bergman movie (just so long as they vote before they kill themselves...)

Posted by: John at March 29, 2004 12:37 AM

John:

But that assumes that the work ethic prevails here permanently, rather than our going the way of Europe. I hope you're right, but don't count on it.

Posted by: oj at March 29, 2004 1:12 AM

Mr. Dallek didn't say "Democrats", (at least in the excerpt), he said "the Left".

As mike earl notes, that sets the stage for the Greens, at least in some states.

oj:

Repealing death taxes was wildly popular, although most people are completely unaffected by federal estate taxes.

Posted by: Michael Herdegen at March 29, 2004 2:28 AM

The difference between '92 and '04 has a name : Nader. If Kerry campaings the way Clinton did back in '92, Nader gets 5 or 6 % of the vote, thus re-electing Bush.

What Kerry stands for doesn't matter much in this election : it's a referendum on Bush. If Bush loses the referendum, the candidate of the other national party wins, provided that he keeps his base happy.

Kerry is the ideal candidate for the Dems this year : he can tell anything that needs to be told because he has not one guiding principle. When demented screeds of a Deaniac nature were all the rage, Kerry out-Deaned Dean. If need be, he'll out-Nader Nader.

Posted by: Peter at March 29, 2004 6:35 AM
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