November 15, 2003
MISPLACED HATREDS:
Gulag: Understanding the Magnitude of What Happened (Anne Applebaum, October 16, 2003, Heritage Lecture)
Until recently, it was possible to explain this absence of popular feeling about the tragedy of European communism in the West as the logical result of a particular set of circumstances. The passage of time is part of it: Communist regimes really did grow less reprehensible as the years went by. Nobody was very frightened of General Jaruzelski,
or even of Brezhnev, although both were responsible for a great deal of destruction. Besides, archives were closed. Access to camp sites was forbidden. No television cameras ever filmed the Soviet camps or their victims, as they had done in Germany at the end of the Second World War. No images, in turn, meant that the subject, in our image-driven culture, didn't really exist either.But ideology twisted the ways in which we understood Soviet and East European history as well. In fact, in the 1920s, a great deal was known in the West about the bloodiness of Lenin's revolution. Western socialists, many of whose brethren had been jailed by the Bolsheviks, protested loudly and strongly against the crimes being committed then.
In the 1930s, however, as Americans became more interested in learning how socialism could be applied here, the tone changed. Writers and journalists went off to the USSR, trying to learn lessons they could use at home. The New York Times employed a correspondent, Walter Duranty, who lauded the five-year plan and argued, against all the evidence, that it was a massive success--and won a Pulitzer Prize for doing so.
Throughout the 1930s and 1940s, a part of the Western Left struggled to explain, and sometimes to excuse, the camps and the terror that created them precisely because they wanted to try some aspects of the Soviet experiment at home. In 1936, after millions of Soviet peasants had died
of famine, the British socialists Sidney and Beatrice Webb published a vast survey of the Soviet Union, which explained, among other things, how the "downtrodden Russian peasant is gradually acquiring a sense of political freedom."These sentiments reached their peak during the Second World War, when Stalin was our ally and we had other reasons to ignore the truth about his repressive regime. In 1944, the American Vice President, Henry Wallace, actually went to Kolyma, one of the most notorious camps, during a trip across the USSR. Imagining he was visiting some kind of industrial complex, he told his hosts that "Soviet Asia," as he called it, reminded him of the Wild West:
The vast expanses of your country, her virgin forests, wide rivers and large lakes, all kinds of climate--from tropical to polar--her inexhaustible wealth, remind me of my homeland.
According to a report that the boss of Kolyma later wrote for Beria, then the head of the security services, Wallace did ask to see prisoners, but was kept away. He was not alone in refusing to see the truth about Stalin's system: Roosevelt and Churchill had very cordial relations with Stalin too.
All of that contributed to our firm conviction that the Second World War was a wholly just war, and even today few want that conviction shaken. We remember D-Day, the liberation of the Nazi concentration camps, the children welcoming American GIs with cheers on the streets. We do not remember that the camps of Stalin, our ally, expanded just as the camps of Hitler, our enemy, were liberated. No one wants to think that we defeated one mass murderer with the help of another.
During the Cold War, it is true, our awareness of Soviet atrocities went up--but in the 1960s, they receded again. Even in the 1980s, there were still American academics that went on describing the advantages of East German health care or Polish peace initiatives.
In the academic world, Soviet historians who wrote about the camps generally divided up into two groups: those who wrote about the camps as criminal and those who downplayed them, if not because they were actually pro-Soviet, then because they were opposed to America's role in the Cold War, or perhaps to Ronald Reagan. Right up to the very end, our views of the Soviet Union and its repressive system always had more to do with American politics and American ideological struggles than they did with the Soviet Union itself.
Together, all of these explanations once made a kind of sense.
Despite their best efforts to make it seem similar, the only way in which Iraq really resembles Vietnam is in the desire of the Left to see it end in defeat for the United States. Next time you hear or read someone referring to a "quagmire", not that they do so not with regret but with satisfaction. The kind of regime we fought and defeated in this instance, matters not at all to such folk--it's ours they oppose. Ms Applebaum's insight is key--the gulag was ignored in the West not because people didn't care about the Soviet people as much as because they hated anti-communists like Ronald Reagan. Posted by Orrin Judd at November 15, 2003 7:19 AM
Is it possible that the gulag was nothing other than the inevitable result of society organized along purely materialistic lines? Soviet style communism was certainly not "rational", but only in retrospect. It seemed perfectly rational, reasonable to people like Henry Wallace and many others, after all. Why is it that only those who believe they are guided by pure reason, and muddle headed utopians of course, fell for it then and are still attracted to such schemes? Is it possible that the rationalist/materialist mind set of social engineers, planners and statists might just be less than perfectly reasonable? In a strictly materialist universe, what stops the objectification of human beings, other than the promise that this time things be different?
I've heard it said, but only by the materialist/rationalitst, that the tragedy of 20th century totalitarianism has had its run and we are somehow immune to its re-occurance. In the light of history such faith seems questionable at the very least.
Posted by: Tom C., Stamford,Ct. at November 15, 2003 11:40 AMThe whole problem for the left with the gulag was that an admission of failure meant that something had to follow. And what was that something going to be? Resolution, determination, proclamation - not on your life. Very few leftists turned that way, because it required too much. Not only the loss of Shangri-La, but a transfusion of moral courage. That was asking too much.
The people who still cling to the myths about Alger Hiss and yellow rain = bee feces are of the same stripe. Except now they are reduced to defending Saddam Hussein and Robert Mugabe. Pathetic.
Posted by: jim hamlen at November 15, 2003 3:08 PMApplebaum is dead wrong about one thing: I am happy to admit that we defeated one mass murderer with the help of another. Furthermore, I am grateful that the other mass murderer did most of the heavy lifting.
There were others, now dead, who agreed with me. Churchill, for one.
One reason practical people tended to shrug at the massacres in Russia in the '20s and '30s by the Reds was that they also had before them the massacres of the Whites.
If an American didn't like the company of mass murderers, he pretty much had to become an Isolationist, which, of course, many Americans did.
Tom has neatly -- though not very persuasively -- explained why Reds kill. But Whites killed with equal freedom, and materialism would not explain that. Or would it, Tom?
Posted by: Harry Eagar at November 15, 2003 6:00 PMThe anti-bolsheviks and other more sectarian interests never pretended to be ruled by "reason". They valued custom and traditional institutions.They were ethinic, religious or nationalist killers in response to the revolutionary forces. Rationalism/materialism was intended to free humankind from such ignorant violence. Uhh.. Didn't quite work out that way. t As they say, the cure was worse than the disease. I think even Harry can agree regardless of the history of Jesus' Chinese brother. 100 million daed within 80 years is tough to beat.
Posted by: Tom C., Stamford,Ct. at November 15, 2003 6:30 PMChurchill was, of course, wrong as he was forced to immediately admit when he got us into the Cold War.
Posted by: oj at November 15, 2003 6:38 PMEven today, if one doesn't like the company of mass murderers, a lot of real estate on this planet is suddenly off-limits. But isolationism only works while someone else is being eaten.
I have often wondered where the bomb would have been dropped if Germany had either defeated Russia, or at least kept some sort of stalemate east of Poland.
Posted by: jim hamlen at November 15, 2003 8:28 PMThe bomb was designed to be dropped on Germany, presumably Berlin at first.
In all the documents, I've never seen the question even raised about what to do if the USSR were no longer in the fight. By the time the bomb was known to be doable, the probability that Russia would stop fighting was nil.
Tom, I do not agree at all. You are mesmerized by big numbers, but proportionately they were small.
To take it out of the realm of communism/anticommunism, no battle had more impact on the mind of Britons and the Commonwealth nations than the Somme, where there were 60,000 casualties (20,000 dead) in one day.
But that was only a third of the men in action that day and only a few percent of all the men in the Fifth Army that day.
There were plenty of earlier, smaller battles in which the kill rate was much higher -- up to 100% at Khartoum.
The proportional killing ratio of White terror compares very favorably with that of Red.
Posted by: Harry Eagar at November 16, 2003 4:08 PMAttempting to make a point by comparing death in combat with civilian deaths caused by state-sponsored and ideologically driven famine and slave labor is wacky.
Posted by: Tom C., Stamford,Ct. at November 16, 2003 4:41 PMThe point is that some people -- you, for example, and people who want to reform campaign spending -- tend to become mesmerized by big numbers in big arenas, without realizing that small numbers in small arenas may actually represent the more intense experience.
White Terror in Hungary was as murderous as Red Terror anywhere. So what's the real diffence?
There is none.
Posted by: Harry Eagar at November 16, 2003 5:12 PMHarry
The difference? About 99.5 million or so, but then I am mesmerized by big numbers.
Posted by: Peter B at November 16, 2003 6:00 PMThe purpose of the Terror, obviously. That's why bombing Hiroshima and Nagasaki is different than raping Nanking.
Posted by: oj at November 16, 2003 6:09 PMHarry-
You're response regarding mesmerization by large numbers and large arenas vs. small numbers and small arenas and experience intensity is, frankly, a load. The unique thing about Maxist/Leninism is the intensity of the mayhem inflicted on civilian populations by their own gov'ts under the rationalist pretense of creating a perfect society. I believe Lenin stated that such a society could be built, minus the profit motive, with an army of bookeepers. The notion that logical, reasonable objections to his plans could possibly exist aside from the class based objections of the evil bourgiosie or kulaks never entered his imagination.
Soldiers dying on the field of battle is a bit different, agreed?
Posted by: Tom C., Stamford,Ct. at November 17, 2003 3:30 PMYou missed the point, so I dropped it and substituted one that did not involve many soldiers.
Red Terror was not demonstrably more murderous than White.
It did have a bigger arena, but a shorter run.
More people have been murdered in the name of religion than of scientific materialism.
Posted by: Harry Eagar at November 18, 2003 9:06 PMBut Red Terror was wrong and White right.
Posted by: oj at November 18, 2003 9:58 PM