November 7, 2003
HOW MUCH HERESY?:
Guest Column (Lee Harris, November 06, 2003, Cella's Review)
I wholly reject even the notion that Thomas Aquinas was a Whig, or that anyone living in the thirteenth century could be a Whig. Consequently, for me, the problem is not how Thomas, as a putative Whig, could possibly justify his position on heretics, but rather why a man as intelligent as Novak cannot see the pointlessness of his question. Or, to put the matter more generally, how is it that modern Whigs, like Novak, can be so blind to the need of communities to protect themselves from those who would subvert them.The anti-heresy principle, under whatever terms it may be expressed, functions to establish a loyalty test that permits a community to distinguish between those who are willing to uphold its fundamental values and those who seek to overthrow these values and replace them with others of their own choosing. Without such a loyalty test a community would be unable to defend its own existence against internal subversion by members who were disloyal to the community’s values.
Karl Popper, oddly enough, offers a good example of what I am talking about. Having observed how the Weimar Republic literally liquidated itself by permitting parties to come to power that were openly disloyal to the Republic, he propounded what he called the paradox of democracy —- namely, that there was nothing to keep a purely formal democracy from voting itself out of existence, and that such an outcome was a risk that any democracy would inevitably run so long as it refused to exclude from participation those members of the democracy who wishes to liquidate it.
The only solution to this problem, according to Popper, was to refuse to tolerate any party that is disloyal to the core values of democracy.
Which calls to mind the majoritarianism of the great Willmoore Kendall, of whom Charles R. Kessler writes:
Kendall was Nock's opposite in almost every respect: he was a kind of democrat, a student of Rousseau and of majoritarianism, who taught that every society is by necessity a closed society, defined by a consensus of opinion on right and wrong, noble and base, us and them. Even the most open society, averred Kendall, is in fact closed, because it has effectively made up its mind that openness is good. If it hasn't, then it won't remain an open society very long.Every society had an orthodoxy, according to Kendall, and societies could be judged by the quality or soundness of their ruling opinions. The standard by which to rank different societies was not abstract freedom but some civilized combination of virtue, utility, and tradition, concerning which Kendall was a little vague. Nonetheless, he was clear that democratic societies ultimately depended for their survival on virtuous majorities, prepared to defend their way of life. Not every majority in every land was sufficiently competent, of course, which was why democracy was a rare plant. Institutional safeguards, procedural guarantees, and rights talk might palliate but could not cure the problems of democracy. Liberals who believed otherwise were naïve.
We often see this idea effected in times of crises, with nary a peep--Wilson's Red Scare; FDR's Japanese-American internment and prosecution of Bundist-types; HUAC; the crackdown on militia groups after Oklahoma City and the roundup of Muslims after 9/11. Some of these measures have become unpopular with at least some in retrospect, but only once the crisis had passed.
The question becomes whether today's secularists are diverging so far from American norms that their views too should be considered heretical. Consider that in their drive to remove God and morality from our political system they undermine the idea of human dignity and responsibility, the very bases of our democracy. When three-quarters of Americans believe partial birth abortion abhorrent, but judges seek to make it a right, can they be tolerated and America still be a decent society? Need they be?
MORE:
-Of, by, and for (Ariel Beery, October 28, 2003, Columbia Daily Spectator)
In Congress, according to Michael Crowley of The New Republic, many Democrats are opposing the appropriations bill for Iraqi reconstruction mainly because it is being pushed by the Bush administration. In Europe, France is trying to build an alternative security organization to NATO mainly to check American power. And in Israel, lawmakers have negotiated Israeli concessions to Palestinians in what is known as the Geneva Accord, mainly to show their opposition to the elected government. These events are linked by a growing trend of undemocratic idealism in democratic politics.Posted by Orrin Judd at November 7, 2003 8:36 AMAround the world, people are forgetting that democratic politics is the art of compromise, of pragmatic acceptance of the decisions of democratic institutions. It is certainly important to fight for what one believes in within the democratic framework, and dissent should absolutely be voiced and marketed in the marketplace of ideas. But the new variety of no-compromise idealism portrayed in the cases above is leading to increased polarization, which endangers the concept of democratic governance. There is no better example of this danger than the Geneva Accord, the latest in a number of extra-governmental negotiations initiated by former Israeli Justice Minister Yossi Beilin and former Palestinian Minister of Information Yasser Abed Rabbo. [...]
What these self-proclaimed doves have forgotten is that one cannot negotiate for a people that one does not represent. A representative cannot profess to be for the people when he or she was not chosen by them.
Mr. Judd;
Doesn't the "political correctness" effort fit precisely in to this anti-heresy paradigm? Is it not aimed at suppressing and punishing statements that are considered outside of the concensus of society and that are dangerous to that concensus? Are you now endorsing that? Or are there really no higher principles and it's just a matter of which gang gets its hands on the dictionary of society?
Posted by: Annoying Old Guy at November 7, 2003 8:58 AMAOG:
That was a shrewd polemical point, but it is pretty clear that political correctness is emphatically NOT a manifestation of the "deliberate sense" of the community, as Kendall liked to put it, but rather of the malcontents of the elite. It is not a concensus at all, but an usurpation.
Posted by: Paul Cella at November 7, 2003 10:16 AMAOG:
Yes, I support speech codes and organizations being able to discriminate.
Posted by: oj at November 7, 2003 10:51 AMAOG is right, the left is engaged in a sort of Inquisition. It's not just political correctness, it's visible in labeling conservative judicial and executive branch nominees as "extremist" and "out of the mainstream" and refusing to confirm them for office; it's visible in excluding conservative professors from tenure. All of these are efforts to establish liberal-left norms as the community standards and to treat conservatives and Christians as second-class citizens, ineligible to hold influential positions.
So AOG's concern is not just a "shrewd polemical point," but gets to a real issue -- the issue that inspired the creation of the liberal tradition in the first place. I think the resolution requires distinguishing between coercive pressure and moral pressure, and endorsing the latter while opposing the former except in instances of violence or subversion of the lawful order (not just subversion of moral norms).
Posted by: pj at November 7, 2003 11:45 AMpj:
So should those of us who believe in the principles of the Founding acquiesce if elites try to turn the country into Europe? Must we let them make us France so long as it's done peacefully? Are means more important than ends when the culture is at stake?
Posted by: oj at November 7, 2003 11:54 AMI am hesitant to endorse consequentialism. I think those of us who are classical liberal democrats ought to be satisfied with knowing that true liberal democracy will survive somewhere on the planet, even as it collapses in America under the weight of affluence and acedia.
I say this based on my understanding of biblical ethics. It seems to have been a major point of Christ's ministry that overmuch hope not be held out for "the culture", although it remains the duty of the individual to be salt and light in that culture.
The problem with reformations is that means tend to become their own ends. Fallenness tends to assert itself aggressively in mob situations. Therefore I can envision even the most evenhanded conservative revolution getting out of hand. Those wolves masquerading as conservatives will tend to hide themselves until it is too late.
However, it is the conservative duty to ask these questions because no one else will. The meaning of community and the responsibility inherent in enfranchisement are things which the mass of people are ignorant of and take for granted.
Posted by: Judd at November 7, 2003 1:52 PMPJ:
The Left may indeed be engaging in a low-level Inquisition, but it is not at the behest of a population indignant about conservative influence or subversion. That is to say, the arguments articulated here by Lee Harris and Willmoore Kendall do not apply to political correctness because the PC elite do not represent the community's settled judgments about reasonable opinion; in fact they represent rather an aggressive method of suppressing those judgments.
One can endorse the idea that a society to be able to protect itself from internal subversion without endorsing a structure designed by subversives to protect the subversion itself.
Posted by: Paul Cella at November 7, 2003 2:28 PMJudd:
Those are the reasons we need not be over-mournful about changing means to achieve our ends (if democracy is no longer promoting virtue), but can we remain a decent people and allow the ends to change?
Posted by: oj at November 7, 2003 3:05 PMPaul - What if society is evenly split, 50-50, and each side thinks that the other is the subversive side?
That's more or less the state the U.S. is in, I think. And though conservative views may have been much stronger at the time of the nation's founding, it's not clear how relevant that is to deciding who is subversive. The Democrats can argue in response that from 1930 to 1970, their ideas were stronger.
Posted by: pj at November 7, 2003 3:21 PMJudd does a good job of reiterating my point. The primary element of political correctness was that it harnessed the power of the state to enforce its will. OJ, you make an excellent point that PC was elite and not concensus driven, but this strengthens my point because PC would have been a dusty, forgotten footnote had it not been able to use coercion and laws to enforce its orthodoxy. It is precisely to separate the wheat from the chaff that the persecution of heresy must not be done by the State. It all comes down to what you mean by "not tolerating", but the examples you give are uses of State power.
Posted by: Annoying Old Guy at November 7, 2003 5:43 PMThe internment of the Japanese-Americans is a particularly horrible example to refer to.
They were not expressing any values contrary to the US norm, but they were robbed, beaten, imprisoned and, in some cases, murdered.
But that's what always happens in heresy hunts. There has never been an honest or moral one.
I conclude there cannot be.
Posted by: Harry Eagar at November 7, 2003 11:31 PMThe point being that it was your demigod FDR who did it and not a soul objected.
Posted by: oj at November 8, 2003 7:17 AMHarry:
No one disputes that there will be abuse. There will always be abuse in any project undertaken by societies of fallen men. But your objection does not, I don't think, touch the question of principle here: do societies have a right to protect themselves from internal subversion?
The options for the subversive can be presented quite humanely, as they were for Socrates: compliance, exile or death.
PJ:
I am not endorsing pure majortarianism here. If it is really true that each half of the country regards the other half as irretrievably subversive, then OJ is right and civil war is near. But I don't think things are even approaching that level of discontent and rancor. We are talking here about the edges, so to say, of each half of the country. We are talking about Communists and Islamists and neo-Nazis, not run of the mill lefties and paleoconservatives.
Willmoore Kendall wrote in his one of his books about the remarkable prevalence of loyalty oaths in early America. It seems that our ancestors, in fleshing out the ideals of an American Republic, hardly batted an eye at the notion that citizens ought to be required to state their loyalty in explicit terms to the nation which nutures and protects them.
Posted by: Paul Cella at November 8, 2003 9:11 AMWell, Orrin is absolutely certain that he knows and speaks for "society."
Then he turns around and picks the Japanese-Americans as an example and society's enemies.
He has to be wrong about one of those.
Posted by: Harry Eagar at November 9, 2003 1:32 AMHarry:
No. I actually don't mind that society gets it wrong sometimes. We get lots of stuff wrong. The things we get wrong while defending our existence are the least troublesome.
Posted by: oj at November 9, 2003 7:04 AM