March 5, 2003

PESSIMIST'S HANDBOOK (via Mike Daley):

THE PENTAGON’S NEW MAP: IT EXPLAINS WHY WE’RE GOING TO WAR, AND WHY WE’LL KEEP GOING TO WAR.: Since the end of the cold war, the United States has been trying to come up with an operating theory of the world—and a military strategy to accompany it. Now there’s a leading contender. It involves identifying the problem parts of the world and aggressively shrinking them. Since September 11, 2001, the author, a professor of warfare analysis, has been advising the Office of the Secretary of Defense and giving this briefing continually at the Pentagon and in the intelligence community. Now he gives it to you. (THOMAS P.M. BARNETT, U.S. NAVAL WAR COLLEGE, March 200, Esquire)
When the United States finally goes to war again in the Persian Gulf, it will not constitute a settling of old scores, or just an enforced disarmament of illegal weapons, or a distraction in the war on terror. Our next war in the Gulf will mark a historical tipping point—the moment when Washington takes real ownership of strategic security in the age of globalization.

That is why the public debate about this war has been so important: It forces Americans to come to terms with I believe is the new security paradigm that shapes this age, namely, Disconnectedness defines danger. Saddam Hussein’s outlaw regime is dangerously disconnected from the globalizing world, from its rule sets, its norms, and all the ties that bind countries together in mutually assured dependence.

The problem with most discussion of globalization is that too many experts treat it as a binary outcome: Either it is great and sweeping the planet, or it is horrid and failing humanity everywhere. Neither view really works, because globalization as a historical process is simply too big and too complex for such summary judgments. Instead, this new world must be defined by where globalization has truly taken root and where it has not.

Show me where globalization is thick with network connectivity, financial transactions, liberal media flows, and collective security, and I will show you regions featuring stable governments, rising standards of living, and more deaths by suicide than murder. These parts of the world I call the Functioning Core, or Core. But show me where globalization is thinning or just plain absent, and I will show you regions plagued by politically repressive regimes, widespread poverty and disease, routine mass murder, and—most important—the chronic conflicts that incubate the next generation of global terrorists. These parts of the world I call the Non-Integrating Gap, or Gap.

Globalization’s “ozone hole” may have been out of sight and out of mind prior to September 11, 2001, but it has been hard to miss ever since. And measuring the reach of globalization is not an academic exercise to an eighteen-year-old marine sinking tent poles on its far side. So where do we schedule the U.S. military’s next round of away games? The pattern that has emerged since the end of the cold war suggests a simple answer: in the Gap.

The reason I support going to war in Iraq is not simply that Saddam is a cutthroat Stalinist willing to kill anyone to stay in power, nor because that regime has clearly supported terrorist networks over the years. The real reason I support a war like this is that the resulting long-term military commitment will finally force America to deal with the entire Gap as a strategic threat environment.


This is why we're pessimist's about the current war--in which Iraq is just one, relatively minor, battle--in the long term. Mr. Barnett offers an especially effective way of considering the scope of the problem before us: it is, as ever, those nations that can't be counted on to behave responsibly in the world. Skip to the end of the piece and check out the capsules on the 19 hot spots in the Gap (we could add a few fairly easily) and you'll see both why they represent very real concerns and why, given their range and the potential risk and cost of confronting them, we just aren't going to face up to the task, until they blow up in our faces. Posted by Orrin Judd at March 5, 2003 9:29 PM
Comments

Mr. Barnett's map is just another way of saying that the military threat is inversely proportional to cultural/economic liberty. The Cold War had many military engagements but ultimately had to be won by persuasion; so too will all wars be in the age of WMD.

Posted by: pj at March 6, 2003 8:15 AM

So you're willing to relive the '60s and '70s?

Posted by: oj at March 6, 2003 9:23 AM

No . . . I want to kill terrorists and terror-sponsors as aggressively as possible, but I also want an aggressive intellectual/moral/cultural effort in support of freedom worldwide. I want to civilize the whole world.



All I am saying is that an uncivilized country like, say, the Sudan is unstable and can decay into a Saddam-run-Iraq as easily as it can become civilized. We must go to war against the Saddams, but it is prudent for us to reduce the pool of candidate countries from which the Saddams arise. Otherwise, we may get overwhelmed.



In short, I want to give to the 21st century what it is demanding of us.

Posted by: pj at March 6, 2003 11:13 AM

So how are you going to "persuade" the Sudan?

Posted by: oj at March 6, 2003 12:27 PM

That's the hard part . . . that's why this war may last many decades . . . but I would say there are several parts:

(1) First and most important, lead by example. We must be as free as possible ourselves and show the world the benefits of liberty.

(2) Develop cogent explanations for why freedom is superior morally and economically, and then "repetition, repetition, repetition." Institutions like Voice of America can usefully spread these arguments and apply them to local issues.

(3) Reward countries that advance toward freedom with aid (not to governments but intermediate institutions and the people), free trade, and defense agreements.

(4) Punish nations that recede from freedom by withholding international cooperation from them, or other means. For instance, almost all these nations have a corrupt governing class. Our intelligence service should be gathering good proof of corruption and leaking it to the publics of these nations if their leaders cross us.



But, the moral war on terror begins at home.

Posted by: pj at March 6, 2003 2:12 PM
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