Are they anti-Semites?

Not generally. The Southern Poverty Law Center classifies some Black Hebrew Israelites as a hate group, naming one branch in particular, the Israelite Church of God in Jesus Christ. A 2008 report from the center warned that extremism within the movement was on the rise.

"Although most Hebrew Israelites are neither explicitly racist nor anti-Semitic and do not advocate violence, there is a rising extremist sector within the Hebrew Israelite movement whose adherents believe that Jews are devilish impostors and who openly condemn whites as evil personified, deserving only death or slavery," the SPLC said. [...]

Extremist Black Hebrew Israelites hate whites. But some have claimed that the rise of far-right groups is empowering black extremists.

The Southern Poverty Law Center told the Forward last month that black extremism, manifest through groups like Black Hebrew Israelites, is feeding off the rise in white nationalist extremism and attracting recruits.

Tom Metzger, a white supremacist leader, once called the movement "the black counterparts of us."

Prosecutors in the Southern District of New York asked a judge on Wednesday to revoke bail for Lev Parnas for making false statements about his assets, including a $1 million payment he allegedly received from Russia in September.

People working closely with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky have been in contact with Trump administration officials over the past several weeks discussing the relationship between the two presidents, according to four people with knowledge of the talks. Based on those conversations, Ukrainian officials came to expect that Trump would make a statement of support before Zelensky met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in France for peace talks. A statement might even come via Twitter, they said they were told. 

"Through all the signals we got, we firmly believed there would be a statement," a senior Zelensky administration official told The Daily Beast. 

But as Saturday and Sunday ticked by, there was only silence from the White House. Even as Ukrainian officials have publicly been loath to criticize Trump's pressure campaign on their country, frustrations with Washington have quietly percolated. And last weekend, they were especially acute. 

To me, and to a lot of other gay progressives -- from ACT UP activists to the queer wing of the DSA -- that moment in March made it suddenly and disappointingly clear that Buttigieg's rise was made possible by a gay civil rights movement that has focused above all else on marriage equality and assimilating LGBTQ people into the mainstream. In lieu of working toward a radically different vision of a more just society, Gay Inc. agreed to settle for the same bad deal that unwealthy straight people already have.

In general, Buttigieg makes the case that gay people like him, and like me, deserve to belong -- in our families, in our churches, and in our communities -- just as much as straight people do. He's right; we do deserve to belong. But Buttigieg is also effectively arguing that queer people's rights should derive from the very institutions we've only recently gained (tenuous) access to, like marriage and the job market. He's insisted that universal coverage for things like pre-K, Medicare, and college education -- policies I believe in, which would guarantee coverage to every individual, regardless of their marital or employment status -- isn't only financially impossible, but wasteful and unnecessary. (Why rely on the state when you've got private corporations or the conservative-approved nuclear family?)

It's not all that surprising, then, that I or other progressive voters who might have been initially optimistic about the prospect of a viable queer candidate quickly soured on Buttigieg after the brief thrill of his early rise. Since March, the mayor has steadily shuffled toward an open spot in the center of the field, and pivoted to attacking further-left candidates like Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders for what he positions as their pie-in-the-sky, unrealistic plans for gun law reform, universal free college, and Medicare for all. This week, he released the names of his clients from his time working as a consultant at McKinsey following intense public scrutiny over his involvement at the firm. But the disappointment -- and even anger -- of the "Let's Get Buttigieg To Quit" faction is different, and much more specific, than general progressive frustration with a more moderate candidate.

For decades now, queer radicals "against equality" have argued that, from marriage to the military, "seeking inclusion in a system that's based on institutional and economic exploitation is an unacceptable path forward." LGBTQ people, particularly the most marginalized among us, will never thrive in a country powered by capitalism, the military-industrial complex, and mass incarceration. But they -- we -- are clearly a minority within a minority.

 Kelly, the husband of former Rep. Gabrielle Giffords (D), leads among women by a 53 percent to 38 percent margin, while McSally leads among men by a smaller 51 percent to 41 percent margin.

 

Kelly holds a 10-point lead in Maricopa County, which contributes about 60 percent of the statewide vote. Only one statewide candidate in recent memory has won Arizona without carrying Maricopa. 

"Our values are the same," she said of herself and President Bush. "We disagree on policy, but we don't disagree on humanity, we don't disagree about love and compassion. I think that's true for all of us -- it's just that we get lost in our fear of what's different."

Speaking with PEOPLE in a recent at-home interview, Hager said much the same when asked about the debate.

"I personally, and I think so many of us, miss a time where people who have different opinions get along," she said. "And I yearn for that. I want my kids to realize that we live in a world when people are think tons of different things and we treat everybody with respect and kindness."

Almost 98% of the 181,067 votes cast backed independence for the Melanesian island. 

Comic book writer and artist Jim Starlin, who created Thanos in 1973, told The Hollywood Reporter that the tweet irked him. "After my initial feeling of being violated, seeing that pompous fool using my creation to stroke his infantile ego, it finally struck me that the leader of my country and the free world actually enjoys comparing himself to a mass murderer," he said. "How sick is that? These are sad and strange times we are going through. Fortunately, all things, even national nightmares, eventually come to an end."

Since the relevant federal law, Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, doesn't mention religion, the Trump administration is effectively defining Judaism as a race or nationality -- both protected under Title VI, along with "color."

A federal judge in Texas issued a nationwide injunction on Tuesday blocking President Trump from using a national emergency declaration to reprogram $3.6 billion in funding for military projects toward building the border wall.

The debate over where Chiang fits into Chinese and Taiwanese history has many factions. Some believe he was the only leader capable of holding off an invasion of Mao's People's Liberation Army in the 1950s, and without martial law the island would have been infiltrated by saboteurs. Some argue Chiang was a distracted adventurist who got in over his head, which cost him China. Others believe he was a leader who was given a bad hand repeatedly and could only play the cards he was dealt. Kerr wrote how many Western governments were prepared to write Chiang off in the late 1940s, their consular offices in China anticipating a Communist takeover of the mainland and eventually Taiwan. The Korean War helped Chiang's fortunes.

Despite his wartime nickname "Cash My Check," in Washington there existed a significant Taiwan lobby, and Chiang's wife, U.S.-educated Soong Mei-ling, was his strongest diplomatic asset. The Truman Doctrine of containment demanded Chiang's Republic of China could not fall to Mao.

At the end of World War II, Taiwan came under the control of the Republic of China, headed by Chiang. Kerr writes about the initial excitement of Taiwanese to become a leading part of the new China. Prior to 1945 they had been living modernized lives as part of the Japanese Empire. At the retrocession of Taiwan to the mainland, Kerr describes Taiwan as the only place in all of the Republic of China where one could find elevators. The hopes of the Taiwanese were soon dashed as carpetbaggers from the mainland seized authority over the island's industries, self-rule was revoked in favor a special KMT-dominated Governor-General administration, and infrastructure and wealth on the island was plundered for a failing war effort. After less than two years under the Nationalists, protests led to the 228 Incident.

In 1948, the Nationalists placed all of mainland China under a general martial law. This was extended to Taiwan in 1949 in preparation for the Herculean task of evacuating some 2 million Nationalist soldiers, officials, and elites from the mainland to Taiwan. The mainland was lost, but for the 2 million mainlanders, Chiang was a hero. For the next 38 years, as the Taiwan Strait remained a flashpoint, Taiwan remained under martial law. The White Terror, a period coterminous with military rule, saw the arrest and imprisonment of more than 100,000 on the island and the executions of an estimated 3,000 to 4,000. Native Taiwanese and mainlanders were both targets. Disappearances under martial law were common, and memories of late night knocks on the door and the sounds of firing squads along riverbanks are still very real.