When Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein appointed Mueller in May, the announcement drew varied conservative reactions. For some people, the special counsel's probe was unnecessary, a validation of a preposterous conspiracy theory about Donald Trump's presidential campaign colluding with Russia. Others argued that the appointment of a special counsel was constitutionally dubious. But some Trump backers welcomed Mueller's appointment, seeing the former FBI director as a man of integrity who would finally clear the president. Newt Gingrich was one notable example:

Gingrich was right about Mueller's reputation in Washington: He was a celebrated former FBI director, a longtime Republican, and an appointee of both Democratic and Republican presidents. And Rosenstein, who appointed him, was another example of a lifelong Republican, appointed by Trump, who had an impeccable reputation for fairness. (Incredibly, Trump would later disclaim Rosenstein and suggest he was a Democrat.) In an environment of hyper-polarization, Mueller seemed to be one of the few people in D.C. who had the gravitas and reputation to satisfy both sides.

In hindsight, this was hopelessly naive. Trump's black-hole-like gravity is such that it overwhelms even reputations for probity and impartiality built up over decades. Not for everyone--many people retain their previous impression of Mueller--but another group quickly jettisoned it. That group is not defined ideologically--in no meaningful way is there a specifically and broadly held small-c conservative critique of Mueller. (Almost no one is still questioning the authority to appoint him.) Nor is there really a universally Republican critique of the probe. Senator Chuck Grassley, for example, is demanding answers about Strzok while also saying Mueller's probe should be allowed to do its work.

The opposition to Mueller is partisan, but not in that it pits Republicans against Democrats. Its partisans are loyal first and foremost to President Trump.