WHICH IS WHY VOTERS PREFER EXPERIENCE:

[R]eagan was more than a speechmaker, more than a visionary. He was also a brilliantly successful politician. Reagan had no military experience--beyond performing in films for the army during World War II--but he instinctively understood the difference between strategy and tactics. His strategic goal was to shrink government at home and defeat communism abroad. (On the latter he memorably told Richard Allen, who became his national security adviser: "My theory of the Cold War is: We win and they lose.") But Reagan recognized that progress came in stages, and that a step forward was a step in the right direction, even if it didn't achieve the goal all at once. "If Reagan told me once he told me fifteen thousand times," James Baker, Reagan's chief of staff and later his Treasury secretary, recalled in an interview: "'I'd rather get 80 percent of what I want than go over the cliff with my flags flying.'"

In case after case, Reagan demonstrated the flexibility necessary to advance his conservative agenda. He called for cutting taxes, and he was astonishingly successful in doing so, reducing by half the top rate on personal income. But he was willing to accept slight tax increases when necessary to consolidate gains already made and to achieve other conservative goals, such as streamlining the tax code and putting Social Security on a sounder footing. His willingness to accept less than his maximum program similarly made possible broad deregulation of business and a landmark immigration reform act.

Reagan is often cited as an enemy of government. The most frequently quoted line from his first inaugural address has him saying, "Government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem." But what is almost always omitted is the prefatory clause: "In this present crisis..." Reagan was not an enemy of government, and he did not think government was the enemy of the American people. He believed government should be smaller than it had become by the 1980s, and that it should be more efficient, but he didn't believe it should be dismantled. As Greg Leo, who served in the Reagan administration told me, "We were not anarchists; we were conservatives."

Reagan's tactical flexibility appeared in other arenas. He was famous for declaring the Soviet Union an "evil empire." He had no doubt that communism was the most pernicious of modern creeds, and that the Kremlin was, as he put it in the same speech, "the focus of evil in the modern world." Reagan directed the rebuilding of American defenses to combat communism and bolster freedom. Yet even as he built up arms, he sought ways to negotiate them down. Indeed, the purpose of the arms buildup was to make arms reductions possible--to convince the Russians they couldn't beat the United States in an arms race.

Reagan repeatedly sought to engage Soviet leaders in negotiations, to no initial avail. "They kept dying on me," he said of the Moscow gerontocracy. But the emergence of Mikhail Gorbachev gave Reagan someone to negotiate with, and in the culmination of an unprecedented series of summits, Reagan and Gorbachev eliminated one whole class of nuclear weapons and laid the basis for dramatic additional cuts in the superpower arsenals. Visiting Moscow during his last year in office, Reagan was asked whether he still considered the Soviet Union an evil empire. "No," he said simply. Later prompted to explain, he acknowledged that even communists could change for the better. "There is quite a difference today in the leadership and in the relationship between our two countries."

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